![]() Stanley K. Schultz, Professor of History William P. Tishler, Producer Lecture 06
The Social Philosophy of American Businessmen Corporations, and the businessmen who were their recognizable heads, came under increasing attack at the end of the nineteenth century. Many Americans who had once associated "laissez-faire" with individual freedom now linked the term to unfettered corporate power, bullying trusts, and an unprecedented loss of individual freedom. American businessmen found themselves resorting to new ideologies and "scientific" terminology to defend themselves from angry Americans who felt the trusts were destroying traditional ways of life.
Some questions to keep in mind:
"We hold these Truths to be self-evident, that all Men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the Pursuit of Happiness..." (Thomas Jefferson, "Declaration of Independence," 1776).
When Thomas Jefferson substituted "Pursuit of Happiness" for philosopher John Locke's original term, "Property," he may have foreseen the controversy over the meaning of freedom that would dominate Gilded Age politics. Two contrasting ideals of freedom clashed during this period. A intellectual contest ensued between Americans who believed that the "Pursuit of Happiness" was the driving force in American history, and others, such as Andrew Carnegie and John D. Rockefeller, who championed the "Pursuit of Property" as the source of American greatness. Both sides constructed logical arguments to justify their positions. Eventually, however, advocates of the "Pursuit of Property" applied the "scientific" lessons of Social Darwinism and laissez-faire economics to win over the public.
Pursuit of HappinessWhy did so many Americans view the new corporations and trusts as evil entities that destroyed the American dream of the "Pursuit of Happiness?" Though we can provide many answers to this question, there are three important points that can help us understand the logic of those who despised growing corporate power:
There was no analogy in the pastThomas Jefferson assumed America would become a land of independent yeoman farmers when
he authored the "Declaration of Independence" in 1776. He
believed that an agrarian lifestyle rooted in hard work would keep
individual farmers and, ultimately, the nation, strong and vibrant. This
ethos of individualism has permeated American culture since the days of the Pilgrims. One conspicuous symbol of the
American attachment to romantic individualism is the "American Cowboy" and the
images of the "Wild West." (See lecture 3) After the
corporation revolution,
many Americans struggled to adjust to a new form of
economic organization that seemed to emphasize cold-hearted
acquisitiveness over more compassionate business practices. The corporation was an artificial creationCorporations were essentially nothing more than a legal agreement between legislators and businessmen. As we can see in our own era, Americans often mistrust lawyers, legislators, and businesspeople. Thus, it is not surprising that many Americans disapproved of a legislative process that allowed a group of investors to create a money-making device that only existed on paper. Corporations threatened to destroy competitionPerhaps the most convincing argument advanced against the corporations and trusts was that they threatened to destroy the age-old concept of free trade and healthy competition. Capitalism certainly has faults. One of its great advantages, however, is that healthy commercial competition can benefit consumers by providing more economic choices and lower prices. As trusts and corporations grew larger and became more dominant during the Gilded Age, people began to fear that corporations would destroy free competition and eliminate the benefits of capitalism.
"It is curious that the mass of the people of this country should fail to recognize that their best friends are the corporations, because corporations have been the only barrier between the despotisms of ignorance and the invasion of the rights of property. Doubtless they abuse their privileges at times but they alone have the ability and the courage to resist attack, and they are doing the work which was done by Jefferson and Madison in the early days of the Republic."--Abram S. Hewitt Ultimately, Hewitt was on honest man with a good public record. Even though he tried to rationalize the actions of corporations, he worked under the general assumption that the "Pursuit of Happiness"--the quest for greater social good for the greatest number--was the driving force behind the corporatization of America. Other Americans, however, believed that the "Pursuit of Property"--the search for greater material wealth--was, in fact, the only justification needed for the corporation revolution.
Pursuit of PropertyAttempts to reconcile the "Pursuit of Happiness" with the "Pursuit of Property" were unpersuasive to most Americans. Though men like Hewitt could claim that corporations could mass-produce individual happiness, many Americans disagreed. For this reason, businessmen resorted to another tactic to persuade Americans that corporations offered the best way of doing business. Three main themes of late-nineteenth-century thought provided American businessmen with a set of terms and ideologies to justify their activities as "Robber Barons:"
Social Darwinism
Self-Adjusting EconomyAlong with Social Darwinism, many nineteenth-century businessmen accepted the idea that the American economy was "self-adjusting." This idea traced its roots back to Adam Smith and his conception of the "invisible hand" of capitalism. "The ideas of laissez-faire applied to economics appealed greatly to Scottish economist Adam Smith. Using these ideas, Smith began another kind of revolution during the period in which the American colonists were fighting their revolutionary war. In 1776, the year that Jefferson wrote the Declaration of Independence, Smith published one of the most important books in the history of economics. The book's full title is An Inquiry Into the Nature and Causes of Wealth of Nations. Most people simply call it The Wealth of Nations. Smith wrote the book after discussing laissez-faire beliefs with some of the physiocrats. Smith's book is an argument in favor of allowing people to engage in trade, manufacturing or other economic activity without unnecessary control or interference from government. The main argument in The Wealth of Nations might be stated rather
simply: People are naturally selfish. When they engage in manufacturing or trade, they do
so in order to gain wealth and/or power. This process should not be interfered with
because, despite the self-interest of these individuals, their activity is good for all of
society. The more goods they make or trade, the more goods people will have. The more
people who manufacture and trade, the greater the competition. Competition among
manufacturers and merchants helps all people by providing even more goods and probably
lower prices. This activity creates jobs and spreads wealth." Following Adam Smith's lead, nineteenth-century American
political economists generally
agreed on four principle points:
Profit motive was the only reliable incentive for action
In the end, Carnegie and other American business leaders often relied on science, economic theory, and social philosophy to try and justify their business practices and their growing profits at the end of the nineteenth-century.
At times, businessmen faced extraordinarily difficult economic problems. The "boom-and-bust" cycle of depressions and recoveries from 1873 to the turn of the century, in particular, made investing precarious and competition fierce as companies struggled to survive. For all the difficulties that company directors faced during this period, however, the common workers who labored in their factories dealt with much more fundamental economic problems. As business leaders became wealthier and more powerful, the men, women, and children who formed the nation's industrial workforce began to demand higher wages, shorter working hours, and a greater voice in corporate decision-making. The story of these common workers and their search for power is an important and fascinating aspect of American history; so important, in fact, that we will continue it in the next lecture: Labor and the Workers' Search for Power.
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